Newington's Jack Worlidge looks at the state of the Conservative and Labour parties heading into recess.

Since the shock general election result, there has been remarkably little parliamentary activity – with some speculating that, given its vulnerability, the Government has been deliberately avoiding votes. Labour’s Shadow Leader of the House, Valerie Vaz, even led an emergency debate on the subject in the week before recess.

The lack of legislation will have pleased new MPs – who have been spending the weeks between their election and recess learning their way around, and starting to get to grips with protocol. When Parliament returns, however, the pace will rapidly quicken – with the Second Reading of the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill scheduled for the third day back, and more Brexit legislation in the pipeline.

The ‘Repeal Bill’ is unlike any legislation MPs will have seen before, and its complexity is already focussing minds. Getting a workable Bill through Parliament will require compromise, making it all the more important to understand the current state of the two main parties.

The Conservative Party is still reeling from the election result. If asked just over a year ago, most MPs would have predicted that David Cameron would now be enjoying a hugely strengthened political position – the legacy-defining Life Chances Strategy would be up and running, with the Labour party sinking ever further in the polls, heading for a party-splitting defeat in 2020.

As it happens, fear of Jeremy Corbyn winning an election – and a growing appreciation of the seriousness of the Brexit negotiations – is all that’s stopping a bitter party ejecting an unpopular Prime Minister. The leadership ambitions of several cabinet ministers may be open secrets, but none of them seriously believe this is a time to challenge Theresa May. While the EU destroyed David Cameron’s career, it is safeguarding that of his successor.

This raises the question of what the Government can do besides Brexit. Though the Conservative manifesto failed, it was at least a serious attempt to re-define the party. Its rejection removed the Prime Minister’s ability to leave her mark as her predecessor did. Ministers may well be pleased – given the rancour over initial Brexit negotiations, they might be grateful for minimal distractions.

The Labour Party, meanwhile, is in its own state of shock, with Jeremy Corbyn’s detractors feeling very humble indeed.  Plenty of them are more closely aligned with liberal Tories like Anna Soubry and Nicky Morgan than with their own front bench. Uncomfortable under Miliband, despairing under Corbyn, they did at least have the comfort of believing that they would be proved right, through a crushing Labour defeat at the ballot box. Following the election, they have been paying tribute to Jeremy Corbyn through gritted teeth.

This does not, however, mean that Corbyn’s Labour has been transformed into a slick political operation – as demonstrated by the row over whether or not the party pledged to eradicate student debt. Many believe that this lack of professionalism also applies to the party’s position on Brexit – Jeremy Corbyn is known to be sceptical towards the EU, hence his unconvincing campaigning during the referendum, and mixed messages since.

Both main parties may be unhappy, but the importance of getting Brexit right means that compromises will eventually be hammered out. Dissatisfied backbenchers will drive a hard bargain - the whips have a difficult session on their hands.

To understand how Brexit may impact your business contact Naomi Harris and her team – at naomiharris@newingtoncomms.co.uk or on 020 7234 3669.